نقد النظرية البورجوازية في الصحافة ٣_a .. كتاب دراسات نظرية في علم الصحافة

And those who brutally crushed every progressive idea imposed the theory of social responsibility in the press after they interpreted, of course, this responsibility as a responsibility before Hitlerism and fascism. The lack of defining the concept of (social responsibility) gives the possibility of interpreting this responsibility in multiple and contradictory ways, and thus placing any content in it.

Held in Fascist Italy in the same year 1942 in which the Freedom of the Press Committee was formed, on the basis of which the theory of social responsibility of the press was found, the Hitler-Al-Ghashi press meeting was held, which was called the first conference of the Union of National Press Associations: and in this meeting it was widely used in the most diverse forms. The expression (the social responsibility of the press), and Goebbels, Hitler's Minister of Propaganda, spoke clearly in the greeting he sent to the conference about (the press that is aware of its responsibility in the countries with the new regime). .... Above freedom there is now responsibility, and this is a definitive matter that plays the role of a guiding leader in the work of journalism.) (12) The statement issued by this conference stressed that journalism is a message in which only those journalists who take upon themselves an unlimited responsibility for the national conscience and the rule of law work. History (13) At the same time, the central newspaper of the Hitlerite Party, the Welkeschreiber-Bachter, wrote that the new National Socialist system of the press was established not on the basis of outdated concepts of freedom of the press, but on the basis of modern concepts of social responsibility (14).

The result is clear, which is that there is no basis for the Americans claiming either the originality or the right to invent the saying (the social responsibility of the press) as long as at the same time when this saying was created in the United States of America, the theorists of the fascist anti-human Hatarian press imposed it and used it on a large scale. And it is another issue that there is a disagreement in the details and in the packaging that covers the same basic goal, which is to put the press in the service of the great monopoly capital that appears in various external forms such as Italian fascism, German Hitlerism, American imperialism, etc.

Professor Zasorsky stressed, in his critical analysis of the theory of social responsibility, that this theory recognizes the absence of true freedom of the press in the bourgeois world. That is, the government's censorship of the press, which was mentioned in the report of the Committee on Freedom of the Press, would only increase the power of the ruling elite of the corporate monopolies over the press and other mass media. The social responsibility of the press in the circumstances of the United States of America actually means responsibility before bourgeois society, before the imperialist state, and before the government that is controlled by major monopolies and corporations. The argument of the social responsibility of the press is one of the special forms of the popular capitalist theory... What emerges from tracking the bourgeois press and to whom it is responsible, is not the theory of the social responsibility of the press, but rather that sincere recognition of William Hamilton, who works in the newspaper (The Wall Street Journal), who He wrote: ... that the newspaper is a private institution and nothing links it to the society, and the society has no voice in it.. Because of that, the interests of society have no influence on the newspaper. The newspaper is first and foremost the property of its owner, who sells the ready-made commodity at his own risk, and he is the one who bears the risk (15). This is amazing. The great truth of the bourgeois press after it has stripped it of the many weapons that the theoreticians have equipped it with. As for the socialist theory in the press, the three American authors defined it in their book in a distorted way.

The theory of social responsibility of the press cannot also satisfy the theorists of bourgeois journalism, and even it did not satisfy any of its founders in the United States of America, Theodore Peterson, who developed with J. And the. Johnson and William B. Rivers, in their book (Mass Media and Contemporary Society) introduce a new theory called "objective theory". The authors of this theory saw that the main difference between their theory and other bourgeois theories is that this theory does not have a standard character, that is, it deals with issues outside the framework of the self, and that it deals with these topics without any bias.

Professor Zasorsky presented a scientific analysis of this theory, describing it as expressing the bourgeois theorists' endeavor to evade the class and social nature of the press, and to focus attention on studying the mechanism of influence of the press. The three American authors, while studying the press, radio, and television as tools for propaganda in contemporary society, try to move away from the content of propaganda and go to study what they call its instrumental side and analysis of propaganda (from a point of view relatively free from ideology and the influence of culture). They studied the press as a means of social integration, as a system for the human message, and as an organ of social control, relying on contemporary bourgeois sociologists. The authors of this book emphasized that the primary importance is not the written aspect (content) in the profession of journalism, but rather it is, to a large extent, finding a relationship of mutual influence between the press and its consumers (i.e. the readers). They did not treat the press as a means of knowing the world and the laws of society. Such new positivist and pragmatic positions reflect the crisis of bourgeois ideology and its inability to find a consistent philosophy of social life.